disappearance
Luis Javier Garrido
lajornada
The disappearance of Diego Fernandez de Cevallos, a character central to the power structure in Mexico constitutes a political crime as much as the Calderón government and official media have been engaged from the outset to minimize and qualify for ordinary crimes.
1. Lifting PAN attorney Diego Fernandez de Cevallos when the night of Friday 14 to Rancho La Cabaña, in the municipality of Pedro Escobedo, Querétaro, which has sunk in the bewilderment and fear of the political class in Mexico, is a political crime more important role in the country since the assassination of Luis Donaldo Colosio, the PRI presidential candidate in 1994, and have a tragic ending, as now expected, will completely upset the mechanics of power that was introduced at the end of the century in terms alternation of 2000.
2. An attack against a politician is always by definition a political crime, and it is particularly critical when the target reached is, as in this case, political. Fernandez de Cevallos had been since 1988 a key date in the mechanics of power in Mexico, at least in two areas. As the chief negotiator for the National Action Party, Carlos Salinas de Gortari and the leadership of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, was from that date an architect of the alliance-white tricolor, which has ruled Mexico ever since, becoming a key element in the resolution of conflict between the PRI and the PAN government Salinas Calderon.
3. The dark profile of Diego as a man of all trusts of Salinas and his accomplice from the years many concertacesiones 90 of the previous century to the 2006 electoral fraud and political power delivery to the far right, or as a shady lawyer and business billionaire who used his political power and that made it appear as the PAN prototype power broker, much cleverer than the whales, the most varied speculation arose after his disappearance. The assumptions that have been made since Saturday 15 were however more a reflection of fears of "political class" that an analysis of reality, and this has been discussed from an ordinary kidnapping to extort money from the family, in retaliation for judicial reasons, a crime of passion, a righteous act of a popular command or even a autodesaparición to a drug-related crime, forgetting in this last assumption that in a country like Mexico where the drug has penetrated into the financial donors, political, judicial and security, every crime has a connection with the problem . Interestingly, almost no one wanted to tackle the most obvious assumptions: politics, linked to the silent struggle of various factions of the Mexican right-wing views in the NAP 2012.
4. Diego Fernandez de Cevallos was for many years an avowed enemy of Felipe Calderón and was now his main opponent within the PAN, although in November 2008 after the death Juan Camilo Mouriño, in order not to delve deeper divergences in the PAN and try to bring some cohesion to his government, Calderon had to accept the nomination made by the salinity of two friends of Diego Fernando Gomez Mont lawyers in Government Arturo Chavez and the Attorney General's Office (PGR), which strengthened the power of the bearded man in the cabinet, which was significant, without necessarily dwindle differences between the two, which were becoming irreconcilable approaching succession President, because while Calderon was stubborn, with the support of interest groups in the United States and Spain, where in 2012 President Republic to be once a PAN, Diego and his friends claimed the right of the PRI to impose its candidate.
5. The disappearance of Diego is therefore a political blow to Carlos Salinas de Gortari, for the negotiating sector PRI PRI and for those who seek to proceed with the consensus of a sector of the PAN's presidential candidate Enrique Pena Nieto in 2012. Benefits, however, Calderón and his friends, and Calderon yunquismo English and American transnational associated with this group, which still await major contracts on energy. No wonder this sector and is now shipping with the big spoon in the new integration National Council of the PAN to be defined in a few days, and that is decisive for the selection of blue and white presidential candidate next year.
6. Diego's disappearance appears therefore as the expression of the serious crisis being experienced by the top leader or, to put it more precise words, as a showdown within the mafia in power in Mexico, that this fact Mexicans shows not only led the country into a bloodbath, but that is no other way than violence to resolve their differences.
7. The government order to limit the official information on the case and asking the media to minimize it, in the case of Televisa went so far as to announce that it would not report at all, was reversed, as might be expected, the government and failed to exacerbate the popular interest in crime and creating a climate of greater social unrest and speculations. Why in the commission of a kidnapping at gunpoint the PGR pretended not to be investigating?
8. The official reaction to the events has come to create the impression that the government knows what happened. Felipe Calderón's insistence during his travels thousands of miles to establish the facts, when there is more than reported trasmano, but posing as Philo Vance Diego's disappearance "was not a narcomensaje or a kidnapping, trying to exonerate both the cartels and the" organized crime ", as reiterated before the microphones of CNN on Wednesday 19, leaving open only an explanation of the disappearance of Fernandez de Cevallos: the execution.
9. Calderon's trip to Spain and the United States in any case was always marked by the disappearance of Diego, despite the government that affected the climate of mistrust that is outside of Mexico. Almost nobody cared here the tribute he received Ibedrola Calderon in Madrid and other transnational Hispanic Day 17 for its offer for their continued energy contracts, despite the constitutional prohibition, or the results of his pathetic trip to the United States, where he was received by National Public Radio on charges of favoring the cartel of Joaquin "El Chapo Guzman and the confirmation made in the White House Barack Obama that only monitor the new Arizona law applied does not violate the rights of workers, because he does not have enough votes in Congress to propose a new immigration legislation.
10. The disappearance, and possible execution, Diego Fernandez de Cevallos is opening in any case even now rearrangements of large economic and financial interests that impact a "class politics" marked by corruption and violence, and that does not bode well for the people of Mexico.
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2. An attack against a politician is always by definition a political crime, and it is particularly critical when the target reached is, as in this case, political. Fernandez de Cevallos had been since 1988 a key date in the mechanics of power in Mexico, at least in two areas. As the chief negotiator for the National Action Party, Carlos Salinas de Gortari and the leadership of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, was from that date an architect of the alliance-white tricolor, which has ruled Mexico ever since, becoming a key element in the resolution of conflict between the PRI and the PAN government Salinas Calderon.
3. The dark profile of Diego as a man of all trusts of Salinas and his accomplice from the years many concertacesiones 90 of the previous century to the 2006 electoral fraud and political power delivery to the far right, or as a shady lawyer and business billionaire who used his political power and that made it appear as the PAN prototype power broker, much cleverer than the whales, the most varied speculation arose after his disappearance. The assumptions that have been made since Saturday 15 were however more a reflection of fears of "political class" that an analysis of reality, and this has been discussed from an ordinary kidnapping to extort money from the family, in retaliation for judicial reasons, a crime of passion, a righteous act of a popular command or even a autodesaparición to a drug-related crime, forgetting in this last assumption that in a country like Mexico where the drug has penetrated into the financial donors, political, judicial and security, every crime has a connection with the problem . Interestingly, almost no one wanted to tackle the most obvious assumptions: politics, linked to the silent struggle of various factions of the Mexican right-wing views in the NAP 2012.
4. Diego Fernandez de Cevallos was for many years an avowed enemy of Felipe Calderón and was now his main opponent within the PAN, although in November 2008 after the death Juan Camilo Mouriño, in order not to delve deeper divergences in the PAN and try to bring some cohesion to his government, Calderon had to accept the nomination made by the salinity of two friends of Diego Fernando Gomez Mont lawyers in Government Arturo Chavez and the Attorney General's Office (PGR), which strengthened the power of the bearded man in the cabinet, which was significant, without necessarily dwindle differences between the two, which were becoming irreconcilable approaching succession President, because while Calderon was stubborn, with the support of interest groups in the United States and Spain, where in 2012 President Republic to be once a PAN, Diego and his friends claimed the right of the PRI to impose its candidate.
5. The disappearance of Diego is therefore a political blow to Carlos Salinas de Gortari, for the negotiating sector PRI PRI and for those who seek to proceed with the consensus of a sector of the PAN's presidential candidate Enrique Pena Nieto in 2012. Benefits, however, Calderón and his friends, and Calderon yunquismo English and American transnational associated with this group, which still await major contracts on energy. No wonder this sector and is now shipping with the big spoon in the new integration National Council of the PAN to be defined in a few days, and that is decisive for the selection of blue and white presidential candidate next year.
6. Diego's disappearance appears therefore as the expression of the serious crisis being experienced by the top leader or, to put it more precise words, as a showdown within the mafia in power in Mexico, that this fact Mexicans shows not only led the country into a bloodbath, but that is no other way than violence to resolve their differences.
7. The government order to limit the official information on the case and asking the media to minimize it, in the case of Televisa went so far as to announce that it would not report at all, was reversed, as might be expected, the government and failed to exacerbate the popular interest in crime and creating a climate of greater social unrest and speculations. Why in the commission of a kidnapping at gunpoint the PGR pretended not to be investigating?
8. The official reaction to the events has come to create the impression that the government knows what happened. Felipe Calderón's insistence during his travels thousands of miles to establish the facts, when there is more than reported trasmano, but posing as Philo Vance Diego's disappearance "was not a narcomensaje or a kidnapping, trying to exonerate both the cartels and the" organized crime ", as reiterated before the microphones of CNN on Wednesday 19, leaving open only an explanation of the disappearance of Fernandez de Cevallos: the execution.
9. Calderon's trip to Spain and the United States in any case was always marked by the disappearance of Diego, despite the government that affected the climate of mistrust that is outside of Mexico. Almost nobody cared here the tribute he received Ibedrola Calderon in Madrid and other transnational Hispanic Day 17 for its offer for their continued energy contracts, despite the constitutional prohibition, or the results of his pathetic trip to the United States, where he was received by National Public Radio on charges of favoring the cartel of Joaquin "El Chapo Guzman and the confirmation made in the White House Barack Obama that only monitor the new Arizona law applied does not violate the rights of workers, because he does not have enough votes in Congress to propose a new immigration legislation.
10. The disappearance, and possible execution, Diego Fernandez de Cevallos is opening in any case even now rearrangements of large economic and financial interests that impact a "class politics" marked by corruption and violence, and that does not bode well for the people of Mexico.
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