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AMLO, diagnosis and design: Lorenzo Meyer

PUBLIC AGENDA
AMLO, diagnosis and Lorenzo Meyer
draft June 10, 1910

The oligarchic character of Mexico, the predominance of the interests of the very few, is not new, but Rotunda has been accentuated last book Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) is not intended to discover something that is
ignored, just looking to once again point to a resounding truth and its consequences. The
true that many pretend not to see is that, as regards its oligarchic character,
Mexico is back to where it was just a century ago, when I lived
and the edge of the water. Return but under different conditions. In 1910, Porfirio
Diaz could put limits on a farmer or a miner. Today it is difficult to imagine that "Los Pinos" do something equivalent to a television or a telephone company.
New Mexico is a society where the weight of the oligarchy is decisive in the political process.
In making major economic decisions, ours is a country of more
than 100 million people but only a handful. The analysis of the nature and the political effects of the Mexico of the few, for "Those who send
" to use the term coined by sociologist José Luis de Imaz in
1964 - is the heart of the new AMLO book: The Mafia took over Mexico ... and 2012
(Grijalbo, 2010). Perhaps you can challenge the mafia characterized as the greatest influence on the fate
material from Mexico, but ultimately can not understand the current process
of our country without taking into account the deeply exclusive of a system whose alleged transformation of authoritarian in democracy has not meant much in the
real exercise and the effects of power. From the discussion of the concept of mafia can address the substance of this book is not academic but
intensely political and controversial. Mafia as we know, is the name of a criminal society
originally from Sicily secret but, by extension, usually applied to other secret associations
criminals or even terrorists. However, the small group of powerful in Mexico, as evidenced by the very
AMLO, is not secret or see the hierarchy and self-discipline
organized crime. In this work, and in reality, the oligarchs appear by name, with
their areas of activity and individual to its modus operandi. Membership in the group will
from Carlos Slim to Emilio Azcarraga, to Roberto Hernandez, Roberto
Bailleres, Larrea and a dozen other large employers. Some, such as the Council Business Coordinator, have effectively coordinated their actions and lobbying pressure
but others do so in and of itself, alone, like Slim or
Salinas Pliego. And although certain activities of these characters are illegitimate because
harmful to the public interest, monopolistic practices or tricks to pay little in taxes, for example-
generally can pass laws. A better alternative to the concept of Mafia and the type of conduct "which
charge" in Mexico can be the power elite, a term coined by American sociologist C.
Wright Mills (1916-1962) to examine the enormous power accumulated until then
by the small group that dominated the politics, economics and culture
U.S.. In The Power Elite (1956), Mills said that if the United States could be separated from
institutional structures where they operate the 100 most powerful political figure,
to 100 plus 100 more rich and famous, they lose their importance as
his power was not in them as individuals but in the position they occupied in
institutional structure in the web of power. This is also the central thesis of AMLO and
starting point of his political project, but with a twist very important here, as we shall see, it is very powerful individuals and have no institutional position. From the great crisis of 1982-when it came down the economic model based on
domestic market and the centrality of the state, the government has become increasingly
serving the interests of a handful of leaders
large companies and conglomerates and their idea of \u200b\u200bMexico, a Mexico where
extreme inequality is considered natural and inevitable, and against which only have to know manage to avoid
leading to instability. It should now consider the peculiarity of the Mexican power elite and the AMLO
deepens. If Mills did not give more importance to individuals of the group, was because the company
studied, the U.S., the institutions appear robust. In contrast,
in Mexico today that is notoriously weak institutional framework that enhances the role of individual
. This weakness has allowed certain characters
bold and appropriate connections may play an important role. That's what happened with Plutarco Elias Calles 80 years ago when Mexico was still the country of warlords and it happens again with the
former President Carlos Salinas de Gortari. Salinas has capitalized on the weakness and corruption of the current political system.
When he was President at the end of the last century, that of Agualeguas used the Mexican crisis and the global process
privatization, to weave a web of complicity
policies and economic interests with the aim of laying the foundations for a power transexenal. Without
But his successor, Ernesto Zedillo, proposed ending the draft and he almost succeeded, but the subsequent
combination of incompetence, political weakness and corruption that characterized the presidential term of Vicente Fox, resulted in, among other things,
unexpected second chance for Salinas ambition. After 2000, Salinas was given
mediator and coordinator between the groups and interests of the old and the new regime.
The offer was accepted by both Fox and Felipe Calderón as the oligarchy the PAN and PRI,
should be history, also took advantage of the mistakes of their opponents to emerge from the ashes
, and the new feudal lords of Mexican politics: the PRI governors. With the coordination of interests and the substantive action of the power elite, the
other branches, from the legislature and the judiciary to autonomous bodies, the
churches and trade unions joined in the settlement. The result is a democracy almost without
content. 2012 The title of the book contains a date AMLO: 2012. It is around this year
act as both the power elite and the rest of organized political forces, including the
AMLO and his own social movement. The year of the Mexican presidential election is not
365 days but many more, so the long and difficult 2012 and arrived.
the great national problems are always present, but for at least a century, is the electoral calendar
which, want not, requires the society to reflect on what country projects we offer and decide which we opt. Today the whole city does not seem to have the courage to make the case
policy priority. According to surveys, most Mexicans to be exact, in 2008, the
65% - the political issues they care little or nothing and just 9%
policy seemed of great interest ("National Survey on Political Culture 2008", www.encup.gob.mx). And
that, after all, 83% of them considered simply "the country is ruled by
the interests of a few" (Reforma, May 20, 2008). And yet ... Apparently Mexico, as a national project, is now a disaster area, but
because of that, it should be time for real opposition. But the biggest party of the left
is undone and the polls predict the return of the PRI as a result of widespread discouragement
. As did the Roman historians in times of decline
AMLO today appeals to the virtues of the past, in our case the spirit of Juarez
and Cardenas, called to renew the electoral insurrection in 2012 and left to recover unlawfully wielded power since 2006 by an oligarchical right. The obstacles facing the project are simply formidable AMLO:
television duopoly that has captured the imagination of much of the Mexicans,
Carlos Salinas, the PRI recycling and the oligarchy. AMLO seeks to address so great partnership with
a draft substantive justice and a grassroots organization from 2.456
municipalities of the country where he believes personally and planted the idea of an alternative project. Today,
such an enterprise would seem almost impossible ... but the country we do not forgive the lack of trying.
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The political abduction and vice versa: Lorenzo Meyer

CITIZEN AGENDA policy in the kidnapping and vice versa
Lorenzo Meyer June 3, 1910
addition to the request of the family Fernandez de Cevallos of the subject out of the debate of
boss Diego, there is also interest Calderon government to reduce the issue's theme is almost gone, but its importance Large print media treat it as too little news, although
columnists keep you current, "a keeps it in the radio but television discussion
-leading source of information for the average citizen-simply been erased from his
agenda, with what appears to confirm that if something does not appear on television or
no longer exists. And that is nearly three weeks of the still unexplained disappearance of
PAN lawyer, former congressman and former presidential candidate, Diego Fernandez de Cevallos - one of the most influential figures in the circles of power Mexicans, the event seems to have
less important, already be history. However, in the real world, the
power politics, the disappearance of a member of the ruling elite, of "the rulers"
is a fact of high significance. The fact that the disappearance of Fernandez de Cevallos is subject, among other things, a remarkable effort
the authorities out of the media
has been explained as a result of a request of the influential political family roots
Querétaro, supposedly to facilitate an ongoing negotiation with their alleged captors
(La Jornada, 1st. June). Without denying logic and value to this argument,
can also assume that is in the interest of the government of Felipe Calderon to publicly discuss the case as little as possible by its negative implications for the regime
of that important piece was missing. Character is not necessary to delve a lot to understand reasons for the current relevance of
Fernandez de Cevallos. For over half a century and joined the PAN in 1969 agreed
National Executive Committee of his party. Since then, its importance in the
PAN has not only grown to encompass the political system itself. That
significance derives not so much of their individual qualities, which may be many, but
the circumstances that have had the opportunity to act. And at the end of 1980, Diego Fernandez de Cevallos was found in the right place at the right time and took advantage
both to become character in a useful, necessary, for those who were interested in preserving
essence of the power structures
a period of change. The time and knew he could exploit the
prominent lawyer were circumstances in which Carlos Salinas de Gortari became President in 1988, a time of great weakness
the authoritarian structure the way in which fraudulent tax had
his opponent, Cuauhtemoc Cardenas engineer. Under these conditions, Salinas
needed all possible support to rebuild the legitimacy of the presidential
institution and its ability to govern. On the other hand, the PAN, who was born to fight Cárdenas original preferred
undemocratic PRI continued to accept that the alternation enter
Mexico on the left door. Fernandez de Cevallos of the PAN as national adviser, Cabinet member
alternative, commissioned by the party to negotiate with Salinas and a little later
leader of his party's representatives in Congress designed the great Salinas-PAN alliance. During numerous meetings with Salinas in "Los Pinos", between one hundred and two hundred
admitted in an interview with Carmen Aristegui (Transition, Grijalbo, 2009, p.
132) - Fernandez de Cevallos negotiated the conditions of support PAN
government to block change Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas and recognize successes of PAN, as well as conducting
substantial changes to the Constitution, as was the legal
recognition of the Catholic Church, the establishment of relations with the Vatican or the dismantling of what remained standing for Cardenas's agrarian policy. In short, the political strength of Fernandez de Cevallos was forged from two elements: the
its position within the leading group of PAN and the urgent need
old authoritarian regime to negotiate its survival with the forces of right. Soon after,
this character, which was now called chief Diego, played his key card when in the delicate
year 1994-the year of entry into force of NAFTA, the Zapatista rebellion and
neo assassination of PRI candidate for the presidency, in his capacity as opposition presidential candidate, stopped doing what is necessary to not to turn his triumph in the presidential debate
in a win at the polls, and not interfere with the decision to Salinas to hand over power to a member of his dark
technocratic circle: Ernesto Zedillo. Since 2000, the PAN and the "Los Pinos", the new leadership needed to redefine
understandings with the PRI. On numerous occasions Fernandez de Cevallos, as Senator
first and then as "ordinary citizen" became into play
experience in this field, which also allowed him to put his pieces in the cabinet. On the other hand,
as a litigator and adviser in criminal, civil, commercial, and agricultural stock,
Fernandez de Cevallos and his firm achieved a remarkable economic success. In short, chief Diego successfully managed to combine the role of living for politics with the lives of those who
policy, to the point that it was impossible to know which one was dominant. The disappearance and assumptions The simple passage of time suggests that the disappearance of Fernandez de Cevallos
May 14 is self-kidnappings or outcome of events originating within their social circle. In
initially considered the possibility that this disappearance is caused by a
guerrilla action, the kind that could fly not long Pemex pipelines in 1994
ransom Alfredo Harp Helu millionaire. But the immediate demarcation
EPR took care to take notice of other possible perpetrators: in one of the many organized crime groups, which are the most likely drug-trafficking and kidnapping
professionals. The drug has shown very conclusively that the "war" declared in his
against the federal government has not prevented him to continue his business or banging
spectacular as in 2001 to clean out one of its most notorious leaders,
Joaquin Guzman Loera, El Chapo, a high security prison and onto the list of Forbes billionaires
or carry out massive leaks involving the mobilization of armed convoys
but the authorities are able to detect or track them, as happened last March in Matamoros. This highly organized capacity to act as
same has been shown both in the presence of Mexican drug trafficking cells in
over a hundred U.S. cities, which in their ability to infiltrate and get
accurate and systematic organization the police, the army or of the American DEA
. The drug may well have decided to exchange Fernandez de Cevallos
by one of his own, forcing the government to modify the conditions of prisoners capos, or pressure
the authority to change its policies to combat cartels.
variants of this hypothesis are many but all would be a negotiation between powers, one the government and other factual
. The other hypothesis is the traditional kidnapping for money. That seizure came in Mexico
with the breakdown of the structure of power after independence, was controlled in the Porfiriato
resurfaced in the wake of war revolutionary civil early last century
decreased again with the consolidation of the regime. The phenomenon came to rally in the decline of the PRI regime
. And although the true number of actual abduction is not known, it is now
for every reported case there are two unreported (Genaro David Gongora Pimentel, Evolution of kidnapping in Mexico, Porrua, 2008). Hobbes and the political significance are the authors of the disappearance of the drug Fernandez de Cevallos,
professional kidnappers or any other group, the case is very significant political
, as has occurred in the context of a manifest inability of the State
safeguard the lives and property of its citizens, what Thomas Hobbes
proposed from the seventeenth century as the main reason being the political power. What is particularly significant
is that if the power elite is unable to protect itself then what can await the rest of society? What is now the state
Mexican?