PUBLIC AGENDA
AMLO, diagnosis and Lorenzo Meyer
draft June 10, 1910
The oligarchic character of Mexico, the predominance of the interests of the very few, is not new, but Rotunda has been accentuated last book Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) is not intended to discover something that is
ignored, just looking to once again point to a resounding truth and its consequences. The
true that many pretend not to see is that, as regards its oligarchic character,
Mexico is back to where it was just a century ago, when I lived
and the edge of the water. Return but under different conditions. In 1910, Porfirio
Diaz could put limits on a farmer or a miner. Today it is difficult to imagine that "Los Pinos" do something equivalent to a television or a telephone company.
New Mexico is a society where the weight of the oligarchy is decisive in the political process.
In making major economic decisions, ours is a country of more
than 100 million people but only a handful. The analysis of the nature and the political effects of the Mexico of the few, for "Those who send
" to use the term coined by sociologist José Luis de Imaz in
1964 - is the heart of the new AMLO book: The Mafia took over Mexico ... and 2012
(Grijalbo, 2010). Perhaps you can challenge the mafia characterized as the greatest influence on the fate
material from Mexico, but ultimately can not understand the current process
of our country without taking into account the deeply exclusive of a system whose alleged transformation of authoritarian in democracy has not meant much in the
real exercise and the effects of power. From the discussion of the concept of mafia can address the substance of this book is not academic but
intensely political and controversial. Mafia as we know, is the name of a criminal society
originally from Sicily secret but, by extension, usually applied to other secret associations
criminals or even terrorists. However, the small group of powerful in Mexico, as evidenced by the very
AMLO, is not secret or see the hierarchy and self-discipline
organized crime. In this work, and in reality, the oligarchs appear by name, with
their areas of activity and individual to its modus operandi. Membership in the group will
from Carlos Slim to Emilio Azcarraga, to Roberto Hernandez, Roberto
Bailleres, Larrea and a dozen other large employers. Some, such as the Council Business Coordinator, have effectively coordinated their actions and lobbying pressure
but others do so in and of itself, alone, like Slim or
Salinas Pliego. And although certain activities of these characters are illegitimate because
harmful to the public interest, monopolistic practices or tricks to pay little in taxes, for example-
generally can pass laws. A better alternative to the concept of Mafia and the type of conduct "which
charge" in Mexico can be the power elite, a term coined by American sociologist C.
Wright Mills (1916-1962) to examine the enormous power accumulated until then
by the small group that dominated the politics, economics and culture
U.S.. In The Power Elite (1956), Mills said that if the United States could be separated from
institutional structures where they operate the 100 most powerful political figure,
to 100 plus 100 more rich and famous, they lose their importance as
his power was not in them as individuals but in the position they occupied in
institutional structure in the web of power. This is also the central thesis of AMLO and
starting point of his political project, but with a twist very important here, as we shall see, it is very powerful individuals and have no institutional position. From the great crisis of 1982-when it came down the economic model based on
domestic market and the centrality of the state, the government has become increasingly
serving the interests of a handful of leaders
large companies and conglomerates and their idea of \u200b\u200bMexico, a Mexico where
extreme inequality is considered natural and inevitable, and against which only have to know manage to avoid
leading to instability. It should now consider the peculiarity of the Mexican power elite and the AMLO
deepens. If Mills did not give more importance to individuals of the group, was because the company
studied, the U.S., the institutions appear robust. In contrast,
in Mexico today that is notoriously weak institutional framework that enhances the role of individual
. This weakness has allowed certain characters
bold and appropriate connections may play an important role. That's what happened with Plutarco Elias Calles 80 years ago when Mexico was still the country of warlords and it happens again with the
former President Carlos Salinas de Gortari. Salinas has capitalized on the weakness and corruption of the current political system.
When he was President at the end of the last century, that of Agualeguas used the Mexican crisis and the global process
privatization, to weave a web of complicity
policies and economic interests with the aim of laying the foundations for a power transexenal. Without
But his successor, Ernesto Zedillo, proposed ending the draft and he almost succeeded, but the subsequent
combination of incompetence, political weakness and corruption that characterized the presidential term of Vicente Fox, resulted in, among other things,
unexpected second chance for Salinas ambition. After 2000, Salinas was given
mediator and coordinator between the groups and interests of the old and the new regime.
The offer was accepted by both Fox and Felipe Calderón as the oligarchy the PAN and PRI,
should be history, also took advantage of the mistakes of their opponents to emerge from the ashes
, and the new feudal lords of Mexican politics: the PRI governors. With the coordination of interests and the substantive action of the power elite, the
other branches, from the legislature and the judiciary to autonomous bodies, the
churches and trade unions joined in the settlement. The result is a democracy almost without
content. 2012 The title of the book contains a date AMLO: 2012. It is around this year
act as both the power elite and the rest of organized political forces, including the
AMLO and his own social movement. The year of the Mexican presidential election is not
365 days but many more, so the long and difficult 2012 and arrived.
the great national problems are always present, but for at least a century, is the electoral calendar
which, want not, requires the society to reflect on what country projects we offer and decide which we opt. Today the whole city does not seem to have the courage to make the case
policy priority. According to surveys, most Mexicans to be exact, in 2008, the
65% - the political issues they care little or nothing and just 9%
policy seemed of great interest ("National Survey on Political Culture 2008", www.encup.gob.mx). And
that, after all, 83% of them considered simply "the country is ruled by
the interests of a few" (Reforma, May 20, 2008). And yet ... Apparently Mexico, as a national project, is now a disaster area, but
because of that, it should be time for real opposition. But the biggest party of the left
is undone and the polls predict the return of the PRI as a result of widespread discouragement
. As did the Roman historians in times of decline
AMLO today appeals to the virtues of the past, in our case the spirit of Juarez
and Cardenas, called to renew the electoral insurrection in 2012 and left to recover unlawfully wielded power since 2006 by an oligarchical right. The obstacles facing the project are simply formidable AMLO:
television duopoly that has captured the imagination of much of the Mexicans,
Carlos Salinas, the PRI recycling and the oligarchy. AMLO seeks to address so great partnership with
a draft substantive justice and a grassroots organization from 2.456
municipalities of the country where he believes personally and planted the idea of an alternative project. Today,
such an enterprise would seem almost impossible ... but the country we do not forgive the lack of trying.
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